Who has a seat at the table to speculate the alternative?‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ 
 
 

Urgent Pedagogies Reader.

 
 
 
 
 

Some Notes

 
 

Rayan Elnayal and Heba Tabidi, founders of the London-based art, architecture and engineering collective Space Black introduce their practice and their interest in the under-represented and under-resourced ideas that have been neglected due to the profession's lack of diversity.

Some Notes invites guest contributors to write additional texts to be part of  the Urgent Pedagogies (UP) archive, or to contribute with brief responses consisting of notes and reflections to already existing pieces in the archive or to the project itself.

 
 
Group of young people standing together in a classroom
 
 

The AYC 2023 was a 6 week programme at The Design Museum curated by Space Black. The curriculum introduced 14-16 year olds to design theory and practice- from sketching to computational modelling, and guest lectures from alternative practitioners. The cohort used these skills to design and build their own installation exploring the theme of home. Image by @JustineTrickett, courtesy of Space Black

 
 
 
 

Who has a seat at the table to speculate the alternative?

 
 
 

Rayan Elnayal and Heba Tabidi

 
 
 
 
 

FILED AS

Theory (Text Commission)

TEMPORALITY

2021–ongoing

LOCATION

London, United Kingdom

CATEGORY

Community-based, Curatorial, Educational programme, Research, Urban

 
 
 
 
 

"We are interested in the under-represented and under-resourced ideas that have been neglected due to the profession's lack of diversity. We look to explore these beyond the dimension of traditional practice, and instead amongst communities, young people and designers outside the built environment. We’re driven by a vision for a future in the built environment that steps up to its social and ecological responsibility. The product is a profession that is just, radical and at the forefront of physical and cultural change."

 
 
 
In addition to natural hazard vulnerability, the lack of access to basic infrastructure and financial services imposes restricted production and consumption conditions for this population, as well as limits technological innovations that for some privileged experts, would be promising for reducing our environmental degradation [2]. Hence, when thinking along the United Nation’s promise of “leaving no one behind” for a sustainable future, one must think – What is really possible in marginalized, peripheral, poor contexts?
In my diverse experiences in social projects in Brazil, I came to face situations where from the lack of options, these populations have been actively resisting their existence through informal and creative ways of production, consumption and education. Ways that have been excluded from the respect of government officials and policymakers, but that we can learn from to ressignify our modus operandis that have overpassed the bearable impact on the planet.
I bring to the discussion the practice of mutirão, a word with indigenous roots from Tupi-Guarani mutyrõ (within many other variations), freely translated to English as “common work”. The practice, with debated origin [3], has been present in diverse cultural contexts and geographical regions, suggesting a common intrinsic human trace of solidarity [3], but that aggregates different layers of political and social challenges. Deteriorated by the growing individualization of work configuration, some practices of mutual help survive their remote past’s heritage [3], yet incorporating new complexities of contemporary urban configuration.
In Brazilian cities, despite the legal effort to make cities accessible [4], these challenges include housing deficit, lack of basic services such as sanitation and electricity, and restricted land access [5]. In the overall neglect of this urban ill by some government officials, it creates a condition that obliges people to find informal ways of occupying the city – usually in configurations such as favelas, and ocupações. In these scenarios of poor infrastructure assistance, climate vulnerability is enhanced, being common phenomena of landslides, extreme rainfall and floods that cause significant dwelling damage and human loss. Yet invisibilized by officials, the segregated people find political and social strength by unification of their voices, knowledge and workforce abilities in a territory that is not assisted by formal governance. They collectively construct housing, infrastructure, and collective spaces in labor that are generally non-remunerated, non-hierarchical, and do not aim for a financial profit. Therefore, the mutirão incorporates a political view of anti-hegemonic activity that is contrary to capitalist work relations [6].
To bring this into practical terms, I share a practice of an informal occupation located in Santa Maria, a city in south of Brazil, that is in a current legislative process for the State to formally allow 53 families to live where they have been for the past seven years – “Vila Resistência” – in direct translation – “Villa of Resistance”. The name coherently suggests their will of power, as 15 of the pioneer families came from a situation of eviction from a past land they occupied, and in the current site, they have already been through at least three direct threats of removal [7]. The disputatious situation introduces other various conflicts these organizations encounter, and their need to urgently resist to be able to live.
In addition to natural hazard vulnerability, the lack of access to basic infrastructure and financial services imposes restricted production and consumption conditions for this population, as well as limits technological innovations that for some privileged experts, would be promising for reducing our environmental degradation [2]. Hence, when thinking along the United Nation’s promise of “leaving no one behind” for a sustainable future, one must think – What is really possible in marginalized, peripheral, poor contexts?In my diverse experiences in social projects in Brazil, I came to face situations where from the lack of options, these populations have been actively resisting their existence through informal and creative ways of production, consumption and education. Ways that have been excluded from the respect of government officials and policymakers, but that we can learn from to ressignify our modus operandis that have overpassed the bearable impact on the planet.
I bring to the discussion the practice of mutirão, a word with indigenous roots from Tupi-Guarani mutyrõ (within many other variations), freely translated to English as “common work”. The practice, with debated origin [3], has been present in diverse cultural contexts and geographical regions, suggesting a common intrinsic human trace of solidarity [3], but that aggregates different layers of political and social challenges. Deteriorated by the growing individualization of work configuration, some practices of mutual help survive their remote past’s heritage [3], yet incorporating new complexities of contemporary urban configuration.
In Brazilian cities, despite the legal effort to make cities accessible [4], these challenges include housing deficit, lack of basic services such as sanitation and electricity, and restricted land access [5]. In the overall neglect of this urban ill by some government officials, it creates a condition that obliges people to find informal ways of occupying the city – usually in configurations such as favelas, and ocupações. In these scenarios of poor infrastructure assistance, climate vulnerability is enhanced, being common phenomena of landslides, extreme rainfall and floods that cause significant dwelling damage and human loss. Yet invisibilized by officials, the segregated people find political and social strength by unification of their voices, knowledge and workforce abilities in a territory that is not assisted by formal governance. They collectively construct housing, infrastructure, and collective spaces in labor that are generally non-remunerated, non-hierarchical, and do not aim for a financial profit. Therefore, the mutirão incorporates a political view of anti-hegemonic activity that is contrary to capitalist work relations [6].
To bring this into practical terms, I share a practice of an informal occupation located in Santa Maria, a city in south of Brazil, that is in a current legislative process for the State to formally allow 53 families to live where they have been for the past seven years – “Vila Resistência” – in direct translation – “Villa of Resistance”. The name coherently suggests their will of power, as 15 of the pioneer families came from a situation of eviction from a past land they occupied, and in the current site, they have already been through at least three direct threats of removal [7]. The disputatious situation introduces other various conflicts these organizations encounter, and their need to urgently resist to be able to live.
In addition to natural hazard vulnerability, the lack of access to basic infrastructure and financial services imposes restricted production and consumption conditions for this population, as well as limits technological innovations that for some privileged experts, would be promising for reducing our environmental degradation [2]. Hence, when thinking along the United Nation’s promise of “leaving no one behind” for a sustainable future, one must think – What is really possible in marginalized, peripheral, poor contexts?
In my diverse experiences in social projects in Brazil, I came to face situations where from the lack of options, these populations have been actively resisting their existence through informal and creative ways of production, consumption and education. Ways that have been excluded from the respect of government officials and policymakers, but that we can learn from to ressignify our modus operandis that have overpassed the bearable impact on the planet.
I bring to the discussion the practice of mutirão, a word with indigenous roots from Tupi-Guarani mutyrõ (within many other variations), freely translated to English as “common work”. The practice, with debated origin [3], has been present in diverse cultural contexts and geographical regions, suggesting a common intrinsic human trace of solidarity [3], but that aggregates different layers of political and social challenges. Deteriorated by the growing individualization of work configuration, some practices of mutual help survive their remote past’s heritage [3], yet incorporating new complexities of contemporary urban configuration.
In Brazilian cities, despite the legal effort to make cities accessible [4], these challenges include housing deficit, lack of basic services such as sanitation and electricity, and restricted land access [5]. In the overall neglect of this urban ill by some government officials, it creates a condition that obliges people to find informal ways of occupying the city – usually in configurations such as favelas, and ocupações. In these scenarios of poor infrastructure assistance, climate vulnerability is enhanced, being common phenomena of landslides, extreme rainfall and floods that cause significant dwelling damage and human loss. Yet invisibilized by officials, the segregated people find political and social strength by unification of their voices, knowledge and workforce abilities in a territory that is not assisted by formal governance. They collectively construct housing, infrastructure, and collective spaces in labor that are generally non-remunerated, non-hierarchical, and do not aim for a financial profit. Therefore, the mutirão incorporates a political view of anti-hegemonic activity that is contrary to capitalist work relations [6].
To bring this into practical terms, I share a practice of an informal occupation located in Santa Maria, a city in south of Brazil, that is in a current legislative process for the State to formally allow 53 families to live where they have been for the past seven years – “Vila Resistência” – in direct translation – “Villa of Resistance”. The name coherently suggests their will of power, as 15 of the pioneer families came from a situation of eviction from a past land they occupied, and in the current site, they have already been through at least three direct threats of removal [7]. The disputatious situation introduces other various conflicts these organizations encounter, and their need to urgently resist to be able to live.

In the 60s and 70s the ‘grand’ masculine eurocentric visions dreamt up by the modernists were being challenged by an uprising of  non-traditional collectives. A revolutionary spirit of resistance found groups experimenting with furniture design, music, installations and visual art. These methods were used to critique the architecture of the era and its position in a socio-political landscape of war, austerity and inequality. 

During this time, a post-independence renaissance was unfolding in Khartoum Sudan. In the 60’s and 70’s, the rise of several modernist movements radically transformed the artistic scene, resulting in a flurry of dynamic creative and experimental outputs in literature, music, theatre, visual arts and architecture. Masjid at Nileen, (The 2 Niles mosque) is a landmark example of the era. The impressive and futuristic design of the mosque was a thesis project by Gamer Eldawla Eltahir, a student at the University of Khartoum.

In the 60s and 70s the ‘grand’ masculine eurocentric visions dreamt up by the modernists were being challenged by an uprising of  non-traditional collectives. A revolutionary spirit of resistance found groups experimenting with furniture design, music, installations and visual art. These methods were used to critique the architecture of the era and its position in a socio-political landscape of war, austerity and inequality. 

During this time, a post-independence renaissance was unfolding in Khartoum Sudan. In the 60’s and 70’s, the rise of several modernist movements radically transformed the artistic scene, resulting in a flurry of dynamic creative and experimental outputs in literature, music, theatre, visual arts and architecture. Masjid at Nileen, [The 2 Niles mosque] is a landmark example of the era. The impressive and futuristic design of the mosque was a thesis project by Gamer Eldawla Eltahir, a student at the University of Khartoum.


Masjid at Nileen (The 2 Niles mosque) Omdurman, Sudan. The mosque sits on the western banks of the Nile river, just opposite to the confluence of the two Niles. Image by @facehunter, courtesy of Space Black

As history repeats itself, the socio-economic climate gripping western europe has found a new generation of alternative practitioners disillusioned and enraged. Injustices are now more visible than ever in the age of social media and an interconnected world. Exploitation, misrepresentation and the danger of conventional practices have become easier to diagnose within our own lives, but with an understanding that it is a by-product of a dysfunctional global system- rooted in capitalism, white supremacy and ecological destruction. 

Founded in 2021, Space Black is a London based design studio exploring underrepresented and under-resourced ideas in the built environment due to the lack of diversity within the profession.
The studio does not necessarily embody a new type of practice. We are simply young adults of the diaspora who are a part of this next cycle. Founded in 2021, the studio is an evolving critique of the profession. The model is an ongoing response to our lived experience combined with time spent in traditional practice. The pedagogical aspects of our work are rooted in three key areas:
  
Concept Design & Research 
Conducting theoretical research and speculative designs to imagine a radical, just and positive spatial future for historically marginalised communities.

Speculative design and the unbuilt stemming from research have, time and time again, been seen to define our futures. Theory leads to practise and creates cultures. As cracks deepen in modernism's failure to communities and our climate, we have to rethink who has a seat at the table to speculate the alternative. We must critique the data being referenced, and challenge the models being used to do so. 

Despite the importance of the 60’s and 70’s in shaping Sudan's contemporary landscape, references to the crucial era are scarce. Whatsmore, the relationship between Sudanese creatives and institutions developed off the back of postcolonial dynamics with the UK is generally unaddressed. 

Academia and it’s theories that permeate into the industry lack these references in their own stories, and those of the region. 

Space Black looks at opportunities to explore these underrepresented and under resourced ideas, to imagine alternative spatial futures. Community led design, small spatial interventions and desktop research help us develop a library of possibility beyond the eurocentric gaze.
 

 
 
 
 

This text has been commissioned and written uniquely for Urgent Pedagogies.

 
 
 
 
Continue Reading  
 
 
 
 
 
 

Notes

 

1. Juda, E. (2022, November 29). [Graphic] CO2 Emissions v. Vulnerability to Climate Change, by Nation | Online Public Health. GW-UMT. https://onlinepublichealth.gwu.edu/resources/climate-change-emissions-data/

2. Panayotou, T. (2003). Economic Growth and the Environment. In Secretariat of the Economic Commission for Europe (Ed.), Economic Survey of Europe (pp. 45–72). United Nations.

3.Caldeira. (1956). Mutirão: formas de ajuda mútua no meio rural. ed. Nacional.

4.  Brasil. (2001). Lei no 10.257, de 10 de Julho de 2001.

5.  Digital, O. (2023, February 1). Veja quais são os principais problemas sociais urbanos do Brasil. Habitat Brasil. https://habitatbrasil.org.br/problemas-sociais-urbanos/

6.  Maricato, E. A Produção Capitalista da Casa (e da Cidade) no Brasil Industrial (2º ed). Editora Alfa-Omega.

7.  Silêncio, G. D. (2018, April 20). “A gente só quer um lugar pra morar” - Gritos do Silêncio - Medium. Medium.

8.  Brasil. (1988). Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988. Art. 6. https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao.htm

9.  Brasil. (1964). Lei nº 4.504, de 30 de Novembro de 1964. https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/L4504compilada.htm

10.  (2018, May 9). A história da Vila Resistência, em Santa Maria (por Ocupação Vila Resistência). Sul 21. Retrieved January 11, 2024, from https://sul21.com.br/opiniao/2018/05/a-historia-da-vila-resistencia-em-santa-maria-por-ocupacao-vila-resistencia/

11.  Brasil. (2008). Lei Federal nº 11.888 de 24 de Dezembro de 2008. https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2007-2010/2008/lei/l11888.htm
 

 
 
 
 
 

Giovanna Deltregia Martinelli is concluding her masters studies in Urban Planning for Transition at IUAV. She received the title of Architect and Urbanist from Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, Brazil (2021), where she engaged in various social projects with marginalized communities. Through NGOs like Engineers without Borders, EMAU Perspectiva and ATHIS/REURB, she led participatory urban interventions. She gained experience in sustainable urban planning through research at GEOTPU.LAB in Portugal (2019) and deepened her theoretical foundations at UNICAMP, UFSC, and USP (2022). Professionally, she has acted mainly in neighbourhood impact studies at Braido Arquitetura (2019-2022). She is currently an intern at the non-profit agency UNLESS addressing climate change from Antarctica's perspective.
 

 
 
 
Urgent Pedagogies is an IASPIS project.